Wayang kulit (Javanese shadow puppetry) has long interacted with the global world resulting in the adaptation of repertory making the Indian Mahabharata and Ramayana (wayang purwa)[1] the main tradition of lakons (stories)[2]. But Javanese dhalangs (puppeteers) also had other narratives to be performed with wayang purwa, local mythologies (lakon jawa)[3], and the “branch” tales (lakon carangan)[4] that are offshoots from the main tradition. Some dhalangs also adapted stories from the Javanese Islamic literature about Abrahamic prophets, Islamic holy figures, and allegories from suluk[5] texts from popular manuscripts. Though there are specific puppetry genres dedicated to these narratives, such as wayang menak[6] or wayang ambiya,[7] some rural Javanese dhalangs used wayang purwa figures to tell these stories, or even considered those foreign tales as an integral part of wayang purwa repertoire. This article discusses how the Javanese dhalangs acquired and developed these Islamic tales for their performances, how they viewed this “lesser” tradition, and the influence of these tales in modern Central Javanese padhalangan (puppetry).

Keywords: wayang purwa, lakon, Javanese Islam, dhalang

Rudy Wiratama is currently a lecturer in the Javanese Department, Universitas Gadjah Mada, Yogyakarta. Traditionally trained as a Javanese dhalang, he gained interest in wayang and its deep connection to literary, historical, and political contexts. Some of his works are concerned about wayang gedhog, an almost extinct form of Javanese court puppetry.

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Introduction

The term wayang purwa,used in Java to refer to the main genre of shadow puppet performance, still sparks debates in the scholarly environment. While the traditional source, or purwa,is seen as kawitan/wiwitan,the original form of wayang (Kamajaya, 1985 [vol 4]: 250), others see the word purwa as the derivation of parwa,[8]which refers to Mahabharata chapters used as its repertoire (Mulyono 1982, 149). Some say purwa comes from the word “east” in Old Javanese, referring to an East Java origin. In any case, wayang purwa is largely seen in the context of its relation with the Indian Mahabharata and Ramayana narratives: this indigenous shadow theatre cannot be separated from these two epics as its source of repertoire.

However, during the Islamic transmission in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, Java experienced a great shift of power, from the Hindu inland state of Majapahit to coastal Muslim kingdoms established by hybrid Sino-Arabic-Javanese dynasties, which led to the birth of the “hybrid culture” (see Njoto 2018), including wayang performance and its repertoire. Old Javanese editions of Ramayana and Mahabharata texts shifted to newer forms of Malay hikayat (written tales)in the then-current versions of the fourteenth to sixteenth centuries, which were certainly influenced by Islam (see Sudibyo and Chamamah-Soeratno 2002). Annabel Teh Gallop (2015) also notes that these Islamic adaptations of the Hindu epics emerged from “traditional centres of Javanese-Malay cultural contact.”

At the same time there also emerged new genres in Javanese Pasisir (North Coast)literature, which directly adapted the Islamic stories through Malay hikayat[9] genres such as Ambiya from Qishash-al-Anbiya (Stories of the Prophets), Menak from Hikayat Amir Hamzah (Tale of Amir Hamzah [Prophet Muhammad’s uncle]), Iskandar from Hikayat Iskandar Zulkarnain (Tale of Alexander the Two Horned [Alexander the Great]), and so on. The local Javanese themes which strongly influenced by tasawuf (Sufi mysticism)traditions also flourished: the stories about Muslim esoteric wanderers (santri lĕlana) as well as Hindu-Buddhist versions (sisya lĕlana or wandering students) grew quickly. Stories such as Jatiswara, Selarasa, Asmarasup (each named after the eponymous hero),and other tales of Islamic religious seekers are examples. In the same period, suluk texts were written, which mainly recount allegories of a salik (Arabic, seeker) and his spiritual journey to reach ma’rifat (ultimate divine knowledge) (see Machsum 2009). In the mid-eighteenth century, this religious journey theme became very familiar in a courtly context, up until the so-called Javanese renaissance, which gave a spotlight, once again, to the Hindu epics. In these newer renditions by Sufi-practicing court poets such as Yasadipura (1729–1802) and his family, the Islamic flavor was given to the widely known Indian literary works which eventually became the source of wayang stories throughout Java.

Meanwhile in the countryside of both coastal and inland Java, padhalangan[10] society also responded to the changing court literary phenomena. The rural dhalangs, many of them senior and highly respected, played a vast range of wayang purwa lakons from various sources. While they largely followed their family’s own heritage of pakĕm or guide-book, some of them—mainly those from the highly-literate environments—eventually followed the re-Indianization wave of court wayang repertoires, which adopted the modern Javanese translation of Mahabharata (i.e. the Theosophy-sponsored translation of Partawiraya in 1937) rather than the more indigenous traditions. As a result, a more “Indian” wayang repertoire also re-emerged in the twentieth century in this environment of court-outsider dhalangs(see Sears, 1996, 187). For example, lakon Wiratha Parwa (The Book of Virata, the fourth chapter of Mahabharata in India which recounts the last year of exile of the Pandawas, the five princely brothers and the heroes of the epic, before the Great War/Bharata Yudha) was reconciled with the Indian version by the puppeteers of the Kartasura lineage (trah Kartasura), such as Nyatacarita and Naryacarita (as reported by Sears during her research). Before Partawiraya’s version, this story about the Pandawas’ year-long incognito in the court of Wiratha traditionally took place before the establishment of their Ngamarta kingdom, which is viewed as a different place from the Mahabharata’s Indraprasta, thus choosing the Indian interpretation over the Javanese.

Apart from Mahabharata and Ramayana themes, rural dhalangs also took other repertoires for their performances, such as the stories from wayang madya[11] (Angling Darma, Bandung Bandawasa, Aji Saka,etc.), wayang krucil[12] (Sĕtama-Sĕtomi, Banjaransari), or rendering the non-Mahabharata texts into wayang, such as Panji stories. The interesting part of this phenomena is the occurrence of some Pasisir–influenced Islamic texts as the themes of wayang purwa. While in court environments, the epicenters of this Indianized tradition, those Islamic texts were pushed to the periphery by the overwhelming interest of Javanese antiquity, which upheld the belief in the imagined uninterrupted continuity of the adiluhung (aesthetically high) tradition of Javanese literature, which was assumed to be purely preserved from earlier Hindu ra Kawi (old Javanese poets) to the then modern Javanese court pujangga (literati poets), without any influences of Islam. 

The Islamic tales which were taken by the dhalangs from rural Java also came from various sources. Some clearly took the popular tales of santri lĕlana, such as Jatikusuma, Asmarasupi,and Selarasa. Others adopted the Menak tales, for example, Bambang Sakĕthi. While other dhalangs created plays from unconnected sources, such as Baron Sakendhĕr, which was said to be either an adaptation of the eighteenth-century Javanese Sĕrat Iskandar or the Malay Hikayat Iskandar Zulkarnain (Chamamah-Soeratno 1991). Some dhalangs, mainly in East Java, also played the lakons, which were spin-offs between Menak and Mahabharata (for example, Menak Campur [Mixed Menak] or Jabur Kĕmanten). Other dhalangseven dared to perform the Abrahamic stories about the Prophets from the Ambiya texts, such as Lahire Adam (The Birth of Adam) to Nabi Nuh (Prophet Noah).

This interesting phenomenon in the rural Javanese wayang purwa[13] performances still occurs despite its lack of popularity compared to the mainstream Mahabharata or Ramayana lakons,or even the local mythologies, which are categorized as a separate compilation called lakon Jawa (tales of the Javanese). Despite that fact, the performances of Islamic wayang tales from Pasisir–style text sources still existed in many places, with various versions, motifs, and the intentions of individual dhalangs in each region. This article will discuss some versions used in the wayang purwa performances in Java and their sources, explaining the intentions behind these performances of wayang purwa with Islamic tales by rural Javanese dhalangs. Another question this article attempts to answer regards the influence of such wayang purwa performances in modern Central Javanese padhalangan/puppetry society.

Examples of Four Hybrid Islamic Tales in the Repertory of Contemporary Dhalangs

In this section I will share four performances of the hybrid Islamic influenced tales played by the following five dhalangs in the wayang purwa format: (a) Jatikusuma, named for the eponymous hero and presented by the late Ki Sudarman Gandadarsana (1933?–1994, Ngawi) and Ki Sukamto Notocarito (b. 1963,  Klaten); (b) Menak Campur (Mixed Menak) or Jabur Kemanten (Song of the Lord) by Ki Gandabuwana (1920s–1988, Madiun); (c) Lahire Adam (Birth of Adam)by Ki Mardisubrata (1930s–2000, Klaten); and (d) Baron Sakendhĕr (Alexander the Great)by Ki Gaib Widapandaya (1938–present, Klaten).

Jatikusuma: Tale from a Faraway Kingdom

The story of Jatikusuma, sometimes titled Jatisampurna,was a once popular wayang purwa repertoire piece that recounted the adventures of Jatikusuma, a prince of Sĕmarakandhi or Asmarakandhi (a Javanese rendering for Samarkand, present-day Uzbekistan, also called Lokabumi). This lakon of Ki Sudarman Gandadarsana became popular after being distributed (recorded in Taman Budaya Surakarta ca. 1988) via a video and was adopted in the circle of young dhalangs in Surakarta. The eponymous hero Jatikusuma escapes from his Islamic kingdom, which was ruled by his king-father, Prabu Sukbatul-iman, with his uncle Kobatsah as the commander-in-chief, and the duo Jobat and Jabut as prime ministers. During Jatikusuma’s adventures, he becomes an ascetic and performs tapa ngrame (rite of spiritual altruism). In the version of  Ki Sukamto Notocarito (interview 2015), Jatikusuma was said to have established a hermitage on Mount Jatirokeh.

In the other side of this story, there is a kafir (heathen, disbeliever), who is the king of Nusakambangan, named Prabu Panggulang Jagad (Tanggulan Jagad). Along with his prime minister, Sanggabuwana, and his bacingah (half-human and half-raksasa/ogre) troops, this king journeys to another kingdom with the intent of winning the hand of the princess of Jongbiraji, Dewi Sasmitarasa. Panggulang Jagad’s proposal to the princess’s father, Prabu Durpĕnggi (Abdul Prĕnggi), fails because she had asked the kafir suitor to solve three difficult riddles. Unable to answer the riddles, Panggulang Jagad seeks the help of a wise man, Jatikusuma, who is now became a hermit, also known as Jatisampurna. Jatikusuma solves the riddles and the princess gives her hand to the hermit, asking him to marry her. Upon hearing this, Panggulang Jagad orders his four commanders to throw the hermit and his two panakawan (jesters-advisers Jumput and Clĕput) into the sea.

A sea serpent named Wisantara catches the drowned bodies of Jatikusuma and his two panakawan and brings them to his father, Prabu Wisamuka, a dragon king. Wisantara explains to his father that he owes his life to Jatikusuma: sometime in the past, when he was sleeping under a ripening banana tree (wit gĕdhang monthong), villagers had tried to kill Wisantara. But Jatikusuma intervened, saving the life of this serpent-prince. The dragon king Prabu Wisamuka then resurrects Jatikusuma, and marries him to his daughter, Wisantari. After giving Jatikusuma a powerful gemstone (a magic ring) named Manik-ing Ampal, Prabu Wisamuka allows Jatikusuma to return to land.

Meanwhile, in a kingdom named Magada, there is another competition to win the hand of the king’s daughter: challengers must defeat Prince Bondan Surati, a mighty warrior. Jatikusuma throws Manik-ing Ampal at Bondan Surati, thus turning him into stone. Jatikusuma then restores the life of Bondan Surati and marries the princess of Magada.

In the final scene, Jatikusuma defeats the kafir king of Nusakambangan, Panggulang Jagad, and his army with the help of Jatikusuma’s uncle, Kobatsah. Jatikusuma then marries the princess of Jongbiraji, Dewi Sasmitarasa, as well and harmony is restored.

There are at least six performance traditions I have found for Jatikusuma in Java. The earliest one I was able to hear of was by Bambang Suwarno with his ASKI troupe (Akademi Seni Karawitan Indonesia [Indonesian Academy of Music-Surakarta] in Pati Regency, on the north Coast of Central Java, in the 1980s. Suwarno had initially performed the lakon with wayang golek (wooden rod puppets). But in 2015, he performed it again, on the outskirt of Surakarta city, but he used wayang purwa (shadow puppets) instead.

A second wayang purwa shadow version was performed by Sudarman Gandadarsana in the late 1980s in a jumat kliwonan[14] wayang performance, which took place in Taman Budaya Surakarta (Cultural Park of Surakarta, TBS [now known as Taman Budaya Jawa Tengah/TBJT, Cultural Park of Central Java]). The third example of the story was regularly performed by Sukamto Notocarito and his father, Gandayatna or Natacarita from Jeto, Krosok, Cawas, Klaten. The fourth and fifth performers of the tale—two young dhalangs from Klaten, Suluh Juniarsah and Imam Asrowi—followed Sukamto Notocarito’s model, performing it locally in Klaten. Finally, Enthus Susmono (1966–2018), the renowned dhalang from Tegal on the north coast of Java, had his own version of Jatikusuma, which he had inherited from his father, Ki Sumaryadiharja. Enthus published that version of the lakon in 2016.

Menak Campur: The Encounters of Hikayat Amir Hamzah and the Mahabharata

The story Menak Campur,literally translated as Mixed Menak, virtually mixes the figures from Menak—the Amir Hamzah epic cycle—within a Mahabharata setting. In the past, the story was very popular in East Java. Gandabuwana, an elderly Klaten-born popular East Javanese dhalang (in the later times of his life, he resides in Madiun), brought the lakon to a Surakarta audience in the rĕbo lĕgen (day of the Javanese calendar) wayang performance in the residence of noted puppet master Ki Anom Suroto in Notodiningratan, Kemlayan, Surakarta in the 1980s.  Ki Gandabuwana’s version of Menak Campur begins with the assembly of the Mahabharata’s Kurawa party (the protagonists of the epic). Here, the Arabian Adipati Umarmaya (the main advisor of Amir Hamzah, the uncle of Prophet Mohammed) is provoked by Sangkuni, the cunning prime minister of Duryudana (the king of the Kurawa, the antagonists of the epic) to attack Ngamarta (the kingdom of the five noble Pandawa brothers who are the Kurawa’s cousins and their opponents). The inconclusive opening battle (pĕrang gagal) is between the Pandawa and the Arab party; neither can defeat the other. The story meets a climax when Umarmaya debates regarding the monotheistic faith of Islam (tauhid) with the Ramayana monkey general Anoman (or, in the East Javanese version, sometimes Krĕsna, the incarnation of Vishnu who is the advisor of the Pandawa). Umarmaya is surprised to find that the Pandawa share the same monotheistic faith as his Lord Amir Hamzah and his Muslim subjects. The Pandawa and Arab soldiers then unite to attack the Kurawa who have misled Umarmaya.

Menak Campur has its own variations in East Java, where the title is often Jabur or Zabur (which in Islamic terms usually refers to “the Psalm of David”), or Jabur Kĕmanten (Marriage in Jabur). The Arabian attack on Ngamarta has different causes in East Java. The jealousy of Amir Hamzah for the Pandawa is the specific cause in the Jabur version: Abimanyu (the son of the Pandawa hero Arjuna) has a handsome face said to outshine that of Iman Suwangsa (Amir Hamzah’s son). In Jabur Kĕmanten the parties fight because Lamdahur (Amir Hamzah’s vassal who is often depicted by using the Bima figure of wayang purwa) abducts Abimanyu to force the young hero to marry his daughter (Yudit Perdananto 2022). Both stories resolve with peace between the Arabian and Pandawa parties, when all realize that both sides embrace the same monotheistic faith. This reflects the harmony between Islam and kĕjawen (Javanese spiritualism). The story of Jabur is still played in the Malang, Mojokerto, and Pasuruan styles of East Java wayang purwa. This story was even adapted in a 2022 performance for the final project of Ragil Yonathan (a young puppeteer from Gresik in East Java) at the Institut Seni Indonesia (Indonesian Institute of the Arts) in Surakarta, Central Java.

Lahire Adam: The Javanese Tale of Genesis

Lahire Adam (Birth of Adam) was rarely performed in inland Java, because it was considered as lakon abot (a spiritually “heavy” lakon) by some dhalangs.But in Cirebon, there are some dhalangs able to perform this play since in this coastal Pasisir area people are much closer to tasawuf traditions of Sufi thought. This provides them an easier access to the Abrahamic narratives, including the stories of the esoteric origin of the world which are not explicitly stated in either the Quran or Hadith traditions. These narratives, however, can be found in some thariqat (Sufi order) texts concerning the presence of Nur Muhammad (the Primeval Being, literally “Light of Muhammad”) at the creation of the universe in an Islamic worldview, and/or such ideas are found in some sirah (historical) texts which entered Java through Pasisir religioustexts, such as Ambiya (Story of the Prophets)or Tapĕl Adam (Formation of Adam).

The Klaten version of Lahire Adam was performed by Ki Mardisubrata from Tegalwoko, Ngeringan, Jogonalan, not far from Wedi, a centre of southern Klaten dhalang families of the Panjang Mas lineage. Panjang Mas was a major dhalang of the period of Amangkurat I (r. 1646 to 1677) of the second Mataram dynasty and this puppet master was an important figure in wayang history. Mardisubrata, who was also known as a local cult prophet and was given the posthumous title Sang Hyang Darma Jati,sometimes played rather controversial lakons, which he often claimed were sourced from the revelations he received, or his own sanggit (plot-development). One of his controversial lakonswas Lahire Adam, which was avoided by other dhalangs because of its explicit depiction of Genesis, an issue very sensitive to both Muslim and Christian audiences, especially during Indonesia’s Suharto era as clear religious affiliations grew rapidly after the 1965 massacres and the Indonesian government obliged the citizens to embrace one of five “formal religions acknowledged by the State” (agama resmi yang diakui oleh Negara). Thus, Genesis became a sensitive topic to depict.

Mardisubrata’s nephew, Bambang Suwarno—interviewed in 2022—who became a lecturer at ASKI (Akademi Seni Karawitan Indonesia, Indonesian Academy of Music) in Surakarta, did not pay too much attention (ora pati nggatekke) to the story, because from the 1970s to the 1980s when Mardisubrata played, Suwarno and the artists from ASKI were too busy with the late Gendhon Humardani’s ideas to “humanize” and “reactualize” wayang stories through his pakeliran padat[15] movement (see Sudarko 2007), which mainly focused performers on sources from the Indian epics. Suwarno only remembers sections of Mardisubrata’s performance, such as the first assembly scene (jĕjĕr sĕpisan) beginning with a figure using the refined puppet of Rama from Ramayana, but Suwarno cannot remember the precise role this figure represented. The emergence of Adam (using the puppet figure Pĕrmadi/young Arjuna) and Eve (using the figure Rara Irĕng/young Subadra, Arjuna’s wife) happened in the middle of the performance. The pathĕt sanga section of the performance had the pair created to inhabit Paradise, but eventually succumbing to the temptation of the Devil (Idajil), in the form of a serpent, and so they were banished to the worldly realm as its first residents (Suwarno 2022). The rest of this story is lost since one of Mardisubrata’s sons reportedly got rid of his father’s pakĕm books after his death, and none of his other sons followed their father’s career as a dhalang.

The incomplete puzzle of lakon Lahire Adam in Javanese wayang purwa can be put together by using the Cirebonese wayang purwa repertoire. Doddie Yulianto (2023), a Cirebon philologist, recounted in an interview that there are a series of Javanese lakons about Genesis in the Cirebon padhalangan society. The stories, beginning with Adam Winangun (Adam Designed), were taken from the popular text of Tapĕl Adam (Formation of Adam, 1859), which was very popular from East to West on coastal Java. In this text, there are detailed events concerning the creation of Adam. While the Quran only explains that Adam, as the first man, was created by Allah from earthly soil, the Tapĕl Adam text gave an esoteric background to this episode, explaining the origin of the worldly clay used to fill the divine mold (tapĕl), which Allah made himself to create the first man to rule the world. The angels, represented by Jibril (Gabriel, performed in Cirebon using a strong wayang character like the Kangsa or Indrajit figures), Israfil (Seraphim, using satria ladak [refined but proud young knight], Sumantri, or sometimes the figure of god Dewa Temburu to depict this character), Izrail (Azrael, using satria lungguh [very refined knight]or Pancawala), and Mikail (Michael, using the figure satria lungguh [refined knight]or Janaka [a figure for young Arjuna]), were commanded by Allah to search for the essence of the earth (acining lĕmah), said to be the ideal material for creating Adam. After the angels departed from Heaven and flew to the worldly realm, they found the acining lĕmah in a region ruled by another angel called Aruman Jati (depicted in wayang with the form of either a demon or Ganesa [Elephant-headed god]), who guarded the land and refused to give it to those heavenly messengers. After a battle, Israfil managed to take the acining lĕmah to the presence of Allah. Allah then created Adam, taught him knowledge, and gave him a partner, Eve.

The angel Idajil (Azazel), when commanded to prostrate before Adam, but reluctant to do so, Idajil disobeyed Allah’s order. Idajil was originally the ruler of Paradise, but because of his curiosity about the worldly realm, he often left Paradise, and thus Allah wanted to appoint a new ruler—Adam. The cursed Idajil was thereafter called Iblis (Devil), who took on disguises as a frog and a serpent. He wanted to take revenge by tempting Eve to persuade Adam to eat the fruit of eternity (woh kuldi), disobeying Allah’s prohibition. Thus, the couple were banished to earth and experienced mortality. Of course, the Klaten version of this lakon by Mardisubrata might have been slightly different from this Cirebonese version.

This lakon was performed in the popular Surakarta style wayang by Ki Purbo Asmoro in 2019, but with a significant difference: Purbo Asmoro’s performance included direct references to the text of Paramayoga (a Javanese compilation on Genesis by the court poet Ranggawarsita [1802-1873]), as well as verses from the Quran and the Bible, instead of passages from the Pasisir Tapĕl Adam text. Dhalang Purbo Asmoro (2023) argued that he must make the story compatible with modern audiences’ thinking, so he used these major religious texts as a source for the performance that he saw as “mĕdeni”(scary—in the context of its extra difficulty).

Baron Sakendhĕr:a Spanish Prince in an Islamic Javanese World

The wayang purwa story of Baron Sakendhĕr, Baron Sĕkendhĕr, or Baron Sĕkebĕr in Klaten was recounted by Ki Gaib Widapandaya (2019), a senior dhalang from Sendhen, Ngawen, in the northwest part of Klaten Regency in Central Java. He claimed that the story had always been popular in some villages northward of his residence, and that it was even performed every Mulud (third month of the Javanese calendar) in a bĕrsih desa (communal feast or village’s ritual purification) event. The popularity of this story, which was an unusual one for Javanese wayang spectators, even made him at one time name his gamĕlan group Baron Sakendhĕr (interview 2019).

Like other Javanese senior dhalangs, at first Gaib Widapandaya refused to give the details of the plot of this lakon, due to his fading memory. But after trying to recall this “European” tale, he managed to remember that the main character, Baron Sakendhĕr, used to be represented by the figure of Pĕrmadi (young Arjuna) from the Mahabharata. This indicated the role of a bambangan or youthful refined protagonist during the lakon, despite the fact of a character shift in later episodes of babad (chronicle)historiography, where Sakendhĕr becomes a strong antagonist fighting against the Javanese Mataram’s Islamic hero, Panĕmbahan Senapati (see Ricklefs,1974, 371–400; Chamamah-Soeratno 1991; and Widodo et al. 2022). Although the full plot of this lakon could not be remembered by Widapandaya when he was interviewed, Pigeaud (1968, 417) recorded the balungan (global plot synopsis) of the lakon in a collection of wayang purwa tales, copies of which are now kept in Leiden University and the manuscript library of Museum Sonobudoyo in Yogyakarta. The wayang purwa version of the Baron Sakendhĕr tale in Pigeaud’s collection is summarized below.  

The merchant king Arunjuti from the kingdom Bukittarbiya is childless. He makes an agreement with the demon king Sungkalamurka, who appeared before him as the hermit Mintuna, saying that when he has sons, he will give one of them to the demon as payment. The selected son, Sakendhĕr, born as a twin with Sukmul from the womb of an Ethiopian princess (Putri Ngabĕsi), is then brought to the demon’s realm, Ngargapura. While treated well as a child, Sakendhĕr learns from Mintuna’s jailed enemy, Singgunkara, that the hermit plans to slaughter and eat him. Instead of letting this happen, Sakendhĕr tricks Mintuna into entering a boiling cauldron and he dies. Sakendhĕr escapes from the giant’s realm and goes to Spain with a magic horse and eagle, which originate from his placenta and umbilical cord, respectively. When in Spain, he wins a contest to marry the king’s daughter, and is given the title Petor Rĕksapraja (Petor, from the Portuguese feitor, used to designate a European administrator in colonial Java). Three demonesses (daughters of Mintuna, from the mythical island of Nusatĕmbini) hear of Sakendhĕr’s sucess. Disguised as beautiful maidens, they come to Spain. Rĕksapraja/Sakendhĕr foils their plan to kill him, and banishes the demonesses back to their island. The Pigeaud record of the story ends here, without any clue regarding the babad/chronicle version of Sakendhĕr, which connects him to the historical Panĕmbahan Senapati (reigned 1586-1601 CE). Thus, the shift of Sakendhĕr’s form from a handsome prince (represented with the young Arjuna puppet) to a dreadful jinn (genie) that we hear of in the babad never happens in Pigeaud’s version.

This story seems to be “European,” and thus different from the three previous lakonsthat took place in a Middle East setting. However, by looking deeper, since the Baron Sakendhĕr manuscripts were influenced by the older Malay-language Hikayat Iskandar Zulkarnain text, the theme of “Islamic” nobles who wandered (lĕlana) and thus gained both spiritual and physical powers through their journey to overcome the evil party from the kafir/non-Islamic side still exists.

The story of Baron Sakendhĕr is not performed today in the wayang purwa/shadow puppet format. In Pekalongan, the tale of Sakendhĕr is still performed in the format of wayang golek/wooden doll puppetry, in the setting of sixteenth-century Java, where this Spanish prince challenges the Muslim king Sutawijaya (young Senopati). This adventure of Sakendhĕr ends with his defeat after Sutawijaya/Senopati asks for help from his spiritual guide, Sunan Kalijaga (the Islamic Wali [Saint] credited with creating wayang). This story of Sakendhĕr and Senopati was performed by Haji Rochim, a senior dhalang who often chooses this lakon for bĕrsih desa/village purification(Ditya Aditya 2023).

Discussion

How Dhalangs Acquire their Texts

From the explanations above, we see that inland Java’s Islamic tales used for wayang purwa connect with two phenomena: the first is they have a Pasisir style performance counterpart, and the second is they have a link with popular Pasisir written texts from the pre-Hindu Renaissance age of Javanese court literature. In Javanese puppetry, Jatikusuma was widely known both in inland Klaten and coastal Tegal; Menak Campur was found in inland Central Java and various places in coastal East Java; Lahire Adam was performed in Klaten and coastal Cirebon; and Sakendhĕr in Klaten and coastal Pekalongan, although there are certainly some differences in the inland and coastal wayang plots, which is only natural. The phenomena of the diffusion of Islamic tales in inland Java have sparked a debate about whether this is caused by the migration of dhalangs inland in the past, or by the distribution of Islamic-Javanese texts from the Pasisir through the copying done by the court, santri (Muslim scholars), or inland dhalangs.

To get a clearer picture, we can look back to the Javanese narratives regarding the dhalang’s recruitment, training, life, and tradition-making as written in classical texts. Although several Old Javanese inscriptions mention puppeteers (not yet called dhalang) who could present wayang through wandering (awayang ambarang) or settling in the service of a king (awayang i haji), however, how a person became a dhalang or how a lakon tradition was inherited, such matters were never discussed. After the beginning of classical Javanese literature, some texts do shed light on these topics.

In the courtly Surakarta version of Sĕrat Cĕnthini (compiled ca.1814 CE), there is a story about how Sunan Kalijaga (also called Seh Malaya, one of Java’s legendary Muslim saints), as mentioned above, received the first lakon tradition from Yudhisthira, a native of Glagahwangi (considered the same person as the eldest Pandawa prince). This lakon was compiled in a form of karopak (a palm-leave manuscript) in an ancient script, sastra buda (see Kamajaya 1985 forSĕrat Cĕnthini, pupuh/verse133: 38–40). Another part of Sĕrat Cĕnthini deals with the training of two brothers from Sesela, a region in the now-named Grobogan Regency, near the coastal Pasisir. These brothers were Widiguna and Widiyana (or Widisana), who had migrated to inland Palar, near modern-day Klaten, to become the apprentices and successors of Sunan Kalijaga, both in shadow puppetry and topeng (masked dance) arts (Hazeu and Mangkudimedja 1915: 170; see also Cĕnthini, pupuh[16] 356: 141–210, a source which also mentions their names as dhalangs under the supervision of Javanese Sufi masters). Other episodes from Sĕrat Cĕnthini also mention the oral transmission of pakĕm: Pangawe, a pupil of the wali (holy man) Seh Amongraga explains how he memorized the janturans (explanatory narratives) of wayang purwa and wayang gĕdhog from his teacher, Ki Panjangmas (Kamajaya 1985: pupuh 310: 1–3). Thus, these passages show an inheritance system of wayang purwa lakonsand pakĕm, through both written and oral traditions, had existed in the environment of Javanese puppetry in the time of Sĕrat Cĕnthini.

Some of the dhalangs I interviewedwho perform the Islamic tale lakons in wayang purwa confessed that they had inherited the narratives as a performance repertoire from their predecessors: for example, Sukamto, who acquired Jatikusuma from Natacarita; or Gaib Widapandaya, who received the story Baron Sakendhĕr from his father, Gandapandaya. If the puppeteer’s source was written down, then the lakon came to the next generation of dhalangsonly in a form of balungan lakon or plot outline instead of a full text of a certain manuscript, with detail about the specific teachings as an integral part of lakon (wĕjangan gawan lakon). As an example, Natacarita’s version of Jatikusuma included esoteric teaching disguised in Princess Sasmitarasa’s riddles, which are references to the esoteric ideas of incing talining urip, panĕtĕg panatagama, sumur watu timba kaca (a textile-weaver with threads of life, a door which closed with religious order, and a stone well with glass pail with which to get water). This symbolizes the breath, heartbeat, and good deeds as the principal conditions of humans in order to live a good life and to reach the degree of perfection (insan kamil). The Menak Campur story discussed above also includes the various debates about Islamic theology, for example, about the Sifat Rongpuluh (Twenty Godly Characters) or Divine Tetralogy (Dzat, Sifat, Asma, and Af’al [literally, substance, attribute, name, and acts, respectively]).

This oral and partial transmission of Islamic tale lakons for wayang purwa performance in Java does not mean that the written traditions of these tales was unknown in the circle of dhalangs in inland Java. The presence of this written tradition can be seen in the daily conversations between dhalangsin inland Java concerning the genre of these Islam-infused lakons.The non-Mahabharata, non-Ramayana wayang purwa repertoire is often called lakon gundhil by dhalangs. This term comes from the Arabic script used as a writing medium of those lakons; the Javanese language written in the Arabic script does not use any harakats(vowel marks), and so it seems “hairless” (gundhul, gundhil).

Suyanto recounted that Gandadarsana once had his Javanese transcribed into the Arabic script/Pegon manuscript. But during his research, the manuscript was no longer available (Suyanto 2002:118). The presence of gundhil manuscripts, particularly those dealing with wayang repertoire, were unusual in the past, since rural dhalangsof inland Java were more familiar with the Javanese script (hanacaraka, an Indic-based script). They wrote their pakĕms in that script before formal European education introduced the Roman script, which was rapidly adopted in later writings of wayang purwa repertoire in the twentieth century. In spite of this fact, East Javanese and Pasisir traditions of wayang purwa lakons had some manuscripts written in Pegon/Arabic letters instead of Javanese script, though this was very limited. For example, there is the Sĕrat Arjunasasrabahu (Tale of Arjuna of a Thousand Arms) in Yogyakarta’s Museum Sonobudoyo, which likely came from coastal East Java scriptoria, i.e. Gresik and its surroundings.

The scarcity of Pegon manuscripts of wayang purwa tales then makes it likely that dhalangsof inland Java accessed the Islamic Pasisir texts through much more familiar forms, such as kraton (court) renderings of the texts. For example, even though the Jatikusuma story was categorized as an East Javanese type of santri lĕlana/wandering mysticromance (see Pigeaud 1968: 200), it had its kraton versions from both Surakarta and Yogyakarta scriptoria. The oldest known manuscript version of Jatikusuma collected by the British Library (MSS Jav 27) came from year 1766 CE, and most likely it came from the court of Yogyakarta (Gallop 2019). The other court copies of Jatikusuma were composed in the Mangkunagaran kraton during the reign of Mangkunagara IV (1853–1881) (Florida 2000: 176). The title of this manuscript, Kikayat Sarip Samsari, indicates the expectation of the copyist about the Malay origin by using the term kikayat (hikayat, a Malay genre). Three other Central Javanese copies of Jatikusuma manuscripts can also be found in the library of Universitas Indonesia, one of which came from the provenance of the court of Cakradipura in Surakarta.

The same derivation from inland court literature can be found for largely popular texts, such as Ambiya and its derivatives, and Tapĕl Adam,which served as the main accounts of Islamic prophets’ hagiography before the arrival of the canonical version directly translated from Arabic primary sources. Many versions of Ambiya, both from the Pasisir region and inland, could be easily accessed, since those texts were also used in communal macapat (poetry in Javanese verse forms) sung readings during life-cycle events (Arps 1992). Different from the two lakon sources mentioned directly above, the story of Menak Campur, surprisingly, is rarely found as a written text tradition. The only traced text containing the Menak Campur story comes from the Universitas Indonesia library and is titled Menak Pandhawa, inventoried as manuscript number CI 61 NR 357. It came from Kudus in the northeastern part of Central Java. The Menak Campur versions in East Java are mainly transmitted through oral tradition, resulting in the various motifs of this story. Although Gandabuwana’s version was also claimed by dhalangsto have once been a lakon gondhil, indicating the presence of a source text in Pegon (Arabic) script used for this performance.

Hence, our inquiry about Islamic tales used for wayang purwa performances shows that the dhalang might acquire their stories from both written and oral sources. This also reveals that there was active interaction between peripheral Pasisir and inland Java, resulting in the various textual and oral versions’ distributions. This could happen through literary activities or by viewing the artistically performed adaptations. However, some of the senior dhalangs who maintained this tradition have now passed away (only Gaib Widapandaya was alive in 2024), and their successors do not perform these lakons anymore. So, the prospect of doing further research about such Pasisir–inland dhalang networks of the past as the means of lakon distribution and adaptation now seems unlikely.

The Motives for Performing Islamic Tale Lakonsin Wayang Purwa

Modern Central and East Javanese society, which according to the latest statistical data (2022) was more than ninety-six percent Muslim, generally considers that wayang purwa was developed by the walis (Java’s Muslim saints) as an essential part of spreading Islam during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries through the widely respected figure of Sunan Kalijaga (and in Pasisirareas, also Sunan Gunungjati and Sunan Giri). However, not all of the dhalangs, familiar with this tale of the walisand even some of them that often claim their performance is a means of dakwah (Islamic preaching), are observant Muslims. Some of them only register Islam as their religion administratively, while in fact they embrace the more local kebatinan (Javanese mysticism)cults, mainly various sects of kĕjawen (Javanese spiritual thought). Some dhalangs are from other religions, either from personal conversion or by family heritage, such as the Catholic family of Kiyatdiharja (Klaten) dhalangs or the Hindu family of dhalangs from Pengging, Boyolali, Central Java. There are also dhalangs who embrace formal Islam. And some of them have even performed the hajj pilgrimage, thus receiving a new title of Ki Haji, which resembles the religious title, Kyai Haji, that is used by the respected figures from both Javanese Islamic organizations, Nahdlatul Ulama and Muhammadiyah. But even those move observant dhalangs are usually not active members of these formal religious organizations. They seem to run their wayang purwa performances largely as a secular practice.

From the dhalangs observed and interviewed above, only two of them, who played wayang purwa with lakons from Islamic tales, proved to be observant in embracing their religion. Gaib Widapandaya (2023) is an active listener at religious talks (pengajian) of the Muhammadiyah mosque near his residence. While Gandabuwana was recounted by some witnesses as a practicing Muslim, due to influences from his children (interview in 2015 with Junedi, Gandabuwana’s wayang carver). Three other dhalangs, Sukamto (as well as Natacarita), Gandadarsana, and Mardisubrata, were practically speaking followers of kĕjawen orJavanese spiritual teachings. The latter two even had their own spiritual communities. Gandadarsana was viewed as a guru. Mardisubrata preached his own teachings, which he said came from revelations he received on Gunung Konang, a hill on the outskirts of Bayat, Klaten. Given the relative lack of observant Islam, it seems surprising that there was little direct correlation between the religious affiliation of the dhalangs and the Islamic tale lakons that they performed. In other words, dhalangs played these stories with secular intentions, whether purely for entertainment or personal appreciation of the tale. This secular intent will be confirmed through the deeper investigation of each lakon, as I will now detail below.

Jatikusuma, one of most popular Islamic tales performed in the format of wayang purwa in Central Java, has different backgrounds in each area. In Tegal, Central Java, Jatikusuma was considered originally as part of the wayang golek cĕpak [17] repertoire, due to its primary motive of santri lĕlana or wandering mystic story. Hence, the association with Sufi thariqats was strong, since some of the dhalangs also followed various paths of Sufism. As an example, the late Ki Enthus Susmono, who received this lakon from his father, was an enthusiast of Sufi teachings. He brought its concepts into some of his performances, both in wayang purwa and wayang santri (his development from traditional wayang golek cĕpak/rod puppetry). Bambang Suwarno, as a Catholic and also a kĕjawen practitioner, received the lakon via a non-linear route: he played it based upon the tradition he had heard from his family and he used it for a secular intention, for the roadshow performance in Pati with his ASKI colleagues (Suwarno 2022). Sukamto received Jatikusuma from Natacarita, his father, who usually performed the lakon after a full-day ruwatan (purification ritual) with the story Murwakala (the Origin of Kala, the Javanese God of Time). When interviewed about his motive in performing this Islamic lakon, Sukamto argued that his father told him the Jatikusuma story (also called Jatisampurna or Asmarakandhi) will perfect (nyampurnakke) the effect of a ruwatan purification for the host’s family.

Another motive for performing Jatikusuma was practical: when a ruwatan performance finished in the afternoon, around 2 or 3 p.m., there was spare time of around two to three hours until evening. To fill this gap, a dhalang would then perform the lakon Jatikusuma, which, contrary to the Hindu-based Murwakala, had an Islamic background. This complementarity between the Indic Murwakala and Islamic rituals as also found in Sĕrat Cĕnthini (see Kamajaya 1985 [vol 2], pupuh Megatruh 171: 40),but in a rather different way. In the latter case, after a ruwatan ceremony finishes, the host requests holding a communal assembly to read the Quranic chapter Ya-Sin with the prayers of tahlil, or sometimes the recitation of Maulid (Prophet Muhammad’s hagiography), or the story Isra’ Mi’raj (Prophet Muhammad’s ascension). This tradition, however, is not practiced in modern Java. Instead, during the evening after a ruwatan, another shadow puppet performance, which is more secular, is held in the same venue.

Gandadarsana’s (and Bambang Suwarno’s) motive in performing Jatikusuma, like Gandabuwana’s presentation of Menak Campur, was purely for exhibiting their vast reference of lakons. Gandadarsana played Jatikusuma in Taman Budaya Surakarta, while Gandabuwana performed Menak Campur in Notodiningratan. Both places are public spaces for wayang aficionados in the town of Solo (Surakarta) to gather and appreciate rare lakons performed by senior dhalangs[18]. Sometimes, the dhalangsinvited to these events made the performances an opportunity to prove their ability and specialty in various aspects of pakĕliran (wayang’s presentation aspects), which also involve the art of developing a lakon,from a “silent” text to a “lively” show.

Another motive for performing an Islamic tale in wayang purwa can be seen in Mardisubrata’s Lahire Adam. Although his pakĕliran or performance was not documented, and only few of his family or pupils could remember the parts of this lakon, the story functioned as a spiritual statement. Mardisubrata’s teachings were an amalgamation of kĕjawen, the cults of Bathara Surya (the Hindu sun god) and Bathara Wisnu (God/Lord Vishnu), and an acknowledgement of Nur Muhammad (Light of Muhammed). Mardisubrata’s Lahire Adam, pulled from the Javanese Ambiya or Tapĕl Adam texts, functioned as this dhalang’s spiritual teaching. Bambang Suwarno remembered his uncle Mardisubrata’s performance, how he rendered Adam’s name as Sang Hyang Hadama, and Eve (usually called Babu Kawain in traditional Javanese Muslim belief) became Bathari Ekawati(Suwarno 2022). These two names are only slightly different from the designation of Adam and Eve in the court poet Ranggawarsita’s Paramayoga, which recounted Java’s mythical past and linking it to both Adam and the Indian-Hindu gods. This was an interesting way to absorb the Abrahamic figures of Genesis into the Javanese worldview, and it conformed well with Mardisubrata’s own teachings.

The performance of lakon Baron Sakendhĕr also bears the traces of a ritual function. Widapandaya’s information that this lakon was used for bĕrsih desa purification rituals in some villages in northern Klaten indicates the multilayers of this text. One layer is that the people of these villages, at the foot of Mount Merapi, would be aware of the mountain’s spirit guardian, Juru Taman, Ki Sapu Jagat, or Mbah Petruk. All of these names remind us of the figure of a tall, long-nosed foreigner, similar to the personification of Alexander, the Sakendhĕr figure from the Baron Sakendhĕr text. Although the performance of Baron Sakendhĕr as a part of bersih desa ritual ceased in Klaten after the 1960s, Widapandaya recounted that during the shadow play an accident happened nearby; the Javanese believed this served as tumbal (sacrifice/offering) for this landa (foreign European) spirit. In contrast, the Baron Sakendhĕr in wayang golek cĕpak of the Pasisir region emphasized the supremacy of the Sufi order of Islam, which was represented by the Muslim founder of the Mataram Kingdom, Sutawijaya, assisted by the Islamic saint Sunan Kalijaga. In the performance of this lakon, the latter two fight against the kafir landa (European disbeliever), the earlier protagonist of the story, Baron Sakendhĕr. The Sakendhĕr tale is also popular kĕthoprak theatre in Pati, in the north-eastern part of Central Java. There, this Spanish prince is co-related with Pragola, the first ruler of the regency and a rebel (also a brother-in-law of Sutawijaya). After being defeated by Pragola, Sakendhĕr loses his human form and becomes Pragola’s horse, named Juru Taman(in the chronicle/history of Java, Babad Tanah Jawi, the name Juru Taman is a demon subject of Sutawijaya). In all these associations, Sakendhĕr is a powerful outsider pacified by local representatives.

The motives for performing Islamic tales in wayang purwa canthus be divided into two major categories: the profane and the transcendental. The profane motive is legitimacy: by performing such rarely seen lakons, dhalangs show both the skill of text-building and also the vast literacy dhalangs gain through contact with the written texts, a privileged position in orally-based Javanese rural society. This hyperliteracy is seen in Gandadarman’s Jatikusuma and Gandabuwana’s Menak Campur,performed in the prestigious events of TBS’s jumat kliwonan and Notodiningratan’s rĕbo lĕgen, and attended by younger dhalangs, who are expected to gain rare vocabulary (bothekan) from these performances. The dhalangs who master such lakons, or plot developments (sanggit langka), gain more respect from other dhalangs and become a paran pitakonan (primary sources) for younger dhalangs who are curious about the lakons. Such senior dhalangs accrue power or even, in some cases, develop economic relations with the other artists attending these events.

The more transcendental motive behind this type of wayang purwa lakon is to proclaim the dhalang’s personal spiritual or religious statements, and/or accompany the communal rites, such as ruwatan and bĕrsih desa. Both usually use the local or Hindu repertoires, such as Murwakala and Mikukuhan (King Mikukuhan)or Sri Sadana (Sri and Sedana). Proclaiming such a religious statement can be seen in Mardisubrata’s Lahire Adam,which represented his cosmological view as a leader of the local Javanese cult, as well as his artistic role as a dhalang.A more social balancing of religious intent comes from Sukamto, repeating the opinion of Natacarita who played Jatikusuma after Murwakala,in order to nyampurnakke or perfect the ritual exorcism. Both Natacarita and Sukamto confirm the general faith of Javanese traditional Muslims, that their religion was not necessarily a complete opposition to (an)other religious affiliation(s), but rather they see the religions as complementary. This complementary understanding, however, is not clearly shown in the play of Baron Sakendhĕr. But at least, the story of Sakendhĕr in Klaten, as well as in Pekalongan, brought up an awareness about the presence of ther dynamic spiritual world of Java, which not only consisted of the mixture of the local Javanese, Hindu, and Islamic mythological universes, but also involved another unknown world of the European ghosts and spirits. Such a view also shapes the present Javanese belief of the kasatmata (physical)and tan-kasatmata (non-physical) worlds.

The Cultural Influences of Islamic Tales in Wayang Purwa Repertoires

The presence of wayang purwa repertoire adapted from santri lĕlana, Menak, babad, and even suluk texts shows sustainable Islamic influences in the development of modern Javanese puppetry, particularly in the rural padhalangan contexts. While a nineteenth and early twentieth century movement to bring wayang closer to Indian roots was initiated by some Javanese priyayis (court nobles) who had been exposed to Western education and Theosophy (Sears 1996), the “Islamization” of wayang still continued in Java and can be seen to the present.

The Islamic tales in Central and East Java give us a glimpse of this Islamic tradition’s past, intertwined with kĕjawen, santri, and priyayi contexts during its development. Even though nowadays these lakons are considered as aeng (odd, strange), some dhalangs still embrace them proudly, and have even positioned them as a part of their special bothekan vocabulary, elevating their place in the circle of fellow dhalangs.Aside from the four examples I have discussed above (Jatikusuma, Menak Campur, Lahire Adam,and Baron Sakendhĕr), there are other bothekan one could examine in the future,such as Narakamuna, a lakon about the betrayal of a fictitious Egyptian vizier named Birunfrom the puppeteer Kasim Purwowasito (of Klaten) and some East Javanese dhalangs. Other Islamic tales can also be transferred to the Mahabharata universe. As an example, the lakon collection of the Museum Sonobudoyo in Yogyakarta has a story titled Dora Dresanala. It is marked with a brief comment, “larase Semarasupi”(adaptation of Asmarasupi). The hero Asmarasupi from Bandar Alim is replaced with Bambang Dora Dresanala, who is a son of the Mahabharata hero, Arjuna. Another story, which was once popular among rural dhalangs, titled Bambang Sekethi, modifies the carangan/branch story of Menak origin, called Umarmaya Maling (Umarmaya Becomes a Thief). It projects Umarmaya, the trickster Arabian advisor who is behind Amir Hamzah’s glory, on the figure of Vishnu incarnation, Kresna, the wily advisor of the five Pandawa brother of the Mahabharata.

These stories and their reception show us that in the world of wayang discourse, there are, still, two aesthetic and ideological streams that determine Javanese preferences. The first stream, which is considered the mainstream, was formally instituted by the power of kĕjawen priyayi and secular colonial scholars, and later encouraged by the government of the Republic of Indonesia. It emphasizes the adiluhung (high art) aspect of wayang. This is more connected with its Hindu-Javanese past than its Islamic influences, although it is still glancingly introduced to general audiences as sarana dakwah (a means of preaching religious values). Yet, this Islamic soul of wayang purwa is generally only limited to a legendary tale about how Sunan Kalijaga, one of the nine holy saints (Walisanga) of Java, used wayang performance to attract people to embrace Islam. The question about “how did he give Islamic teaching through this Hindu-Javanese puppetry” is only answered by professional preachers (muballigh), with anachronistic explanations on wayang character names of the Pandawas and the panakawan (clown) servants. This explanation surprisingly has no roots in the rich tradition of Javanese tasawuf manuscripts.

The second stream, rarely exposed in formal discourses, consists of local cases, often of rural dhalangs, who, instead of receiving formal instruction from institutionalized dhalang courses, obtained their pakem/guidebook from their own predecessors, genealogical ancestors or other elder dhalangsand/or by reading popular texts circulated in their environment. This lesser tradition actually preserves the more cosmopolitan nature of wayang performances, documenting the contact between cultures, religions, and civilizations more honestly, reflecting the vast range of wayang lakons available. However, nowadays many dhalangs, besides being Muslim (the majority belief in Java), choose to embrace the more vernacular kĕjawen faith. In some cases, dhalangsmay even be secular while still identifying themselves as part of a major religion (in administrative terms). But even for these, the lakonsthey inherited from their own ancestors show that the contact between indigenous Javanese tradition of wayang purwa, Hindu-Javanese Mahabharata lore, and Islamic Sufi-themed narrative texts was, indeed, a cultural reality. 

The presence of these Islamic tales in the world of wayang purwa puppetry has two sides. One side displays the dhalang’s spiritual and cultural identity, using such tales in ritual-connected performances. However, this function has faded, as understanding of the connection of tasawuf teachings and the Javanese wayang universe have dimmed. The other side fulfills pragmatic purposes, such as doing exhibition performances in a padhalangan (teaching the art of puppetry) environment or a puppetry student’s final assignment in art colleges. These pragmatic intentions of performing have even advanced. Lakon gundhil have become stronger and the term has, as a consequence, lost the original meaning related to the writing medium being Javanese but in Arabic script, which also indirectly refers to the Muslim cultural context of the texts themselves. Some of the followers of the late Ki Ganda Darman claimed that the term lakon gundhil came from the Javanese word gundhil, which itself comes from kutang gundhil, a sleeveless vest used by the ancient Javanese as their inner garment (Widhiarto 2018: 9). The epistemology of lakon gundhil, then, in this newer concept, is about a non-cycle type of story, which, unlike the Mahabharata and Ramayana tales, has no prequel nor continuing episodes. This also separates the term from any larger Javanese-Islamic corpus, such as Menak about the many feats of Amir Hamzah and his off springor Ambiya. Thus, the change in definition of lakon gundhil makes lakons, which originally came from the other genres of wayang lore included, part of this category. The free-standing story about the origin of the Setama-Setomi cannons (from the wayang krucil,flat wooden puppet repertoire), as an example, is also considered recently as lakon gundhil, while the tale’s presence in Javanese babad traditions and wayang krucil pakem have no clear connections with gundhil or Pegon manuscripts.

Conclusion

The presence of Islamic tales in wayang purwa came from the active role of dhalangs composing their repertoire (lakons) in an intellectual encounter with the rich Javanese textual tradition. Puppeteers adapted and reinterpreted their reading into lakon performances, which they infused with their social, cultural, and spiritual worldview. Their story transmission might be active (through textual reading) or passive (inherited from their predecessors). However, in the eye of contemporary Javanese dhalangs, these Islamic lakons only have occasional significance compared to the Mahabharata or Ramayana-based repertoire. Dhalangs who inherited Islamic stories gradually lost their connection with both the Islamic tarekat movement and the Sufic textual traditions of these stories. Nowadays, Islamic tales in wayang purwa padhalangan or the puppetry environment emphasize the stories’ pragmatic function as a subject of entertainment rather than displaying cultural, social, and spiritual meanings, which once defined each dhalang’s identity as a public figure with great societal significance. 

References

Performances

Jatikusuma by the late Ki Sudarman Gandadarsana (Ngawi) (recorded ca. 1988 in Taman Budaya, Surakarta).

Menak Campur (Mixed Menak) [also Jabar Kemanten (Song of the Lord) Ki Gandabuwana (recorded ca. 1985 in Rebo Legen, Surakarta).

Interviews

Bambang Suwarno. 2022. Personal interview.

Ditya Aditya. 2023. Personal interview.

Doddie Yulianto. 2023. Personal interview.

Gaib Widapandaya. 2022. Personal interview.

Junedi. 2015. Personal interview.

Purbo Asmoro. 2023. Personal interview.

Sukamto Notocarito. 2015. Personal interview.

Yudit Perdananto. 2022. Personal interview.

Text Sources

Anonymous. ca. mid-19th century. Menak Pandhawa. Manuscript number CI 61 NR 357, collection of Universitas Indonesia, Depok.

Kramadiwirya. 1859. Sĕrat Tapĕl Adam: Kidung Macapat, n. p. Lange and Company.

Books and Articles

Arp, Ben. 1992. Tembang in Two Traditions: Performance and Interpretation of Javanese Literature. London: School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London. 

Chamamah-Soeratno, Siti. 1991. Hikayat Iskandar Zulkarnaen: Analisis Resepsi (Tale of Alexander the Two Horned: Analysis of Reception). Jakarta: Balai Pustaka.

Florida, Nancy K. 1993. Javanese Literature in Surakarta Manuscripts, vol.1: Introductions and Manuscripts of the Karaton Surakarta. Ithaca, New York: South East Asia Program, Cornell University.

———. 2000. Javanese Literature in Surakarta Manuscripts, vol.2: Manuscripts of the Mangkunagaran Palace. Ithaca, New York: South East Asia Program, Cornell University.

Gallop, Annabel Teh. 2015. “The Mahabharata in Malay Manuscripts.” Asian and African Studies Blog, British Library. https://blogs.bl.uk/asian-and-african/2015/09/the-mahabharata-in-malay-manuscripts.html, accessed December 7, 2024.

———. 2019. “Javanese Manuscripts in the Mackenzie Collection: The Publication of Weatherbee’s ‘Inventory.”Asian and African Studies Blog, British Library. https://blogs.bl.uk/asian-and-african/2019/01/javanese-manuscripts-in-the-mackenzie-collection-the-publication-of-weatherbees-inventory.html, accessed December 7, 2024.

Hazeu, G.A.J., and Mangkudimeja. 1915. Kawruh Asalipun Ringgit lan Gegepokanipun kaliyan Agami ing Jaman Kina (The Origin of Puppet and its Correlation with Religions in Ancient Age). Batavia: Comissie voor the Volkslectuur.

Kamajaya. 1985. Serat Centhini,vol. 1–5. Yogyakarta: Yayasan Centhini.

Machsum, Toha. 2009. “Sastra Suluk Jawa Pesisiran: Membaca Lokalitas dalam Keindonesiaan” (Suluk Literature in Coastal Java: Reading Locality in Indonesia-ness). Mabasan 3 (2): 125–135.

Mechelen, Henri L.C. te. 1879. Drie-en-twintig Schetsen van Wayang-stukken (Lakon’s), Gebruikelyk bij de Vertooningen der Wayang-poerwa op Java (Twenty-three Sketches of Wayang Plays (Lakons), Commonly Used in Wayang-purwa Performances in Java). Batavia: W. Bruining.

Mulyono, Sri. 1982. Wayang dan Filsafat Nusantara (Wayang and Indonesian Philosophy). Jakarta: Gunung Agung.

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[16] A canto in Javanese text written in Macapat metres

[17] A genre of wooden puppetry in coastal Java, spreading from Semarang in the easternmost to Karawang and Subang in western most, mainly uses both Menak and Babad (traditional chronicle) stories

[18] Currently, performances only take place in Taman Budaya.